O Juiz de Paz na Roça (Great Brazilian Literature Livro 38) (Portuguese Edition)

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Nero was the last Roman emperor of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. He was adopted by his great-uncle Claudius and became Claudius' heir and successor. The Fire of Rome by Hubert Robert Coin showing Nero distributing charity to a citizen. The Petit Trianon in Rio de Janeiro, the seat of the academy since One of the most famous poets of the "Condorism", he won the epithet of "O Poeta dos Escravos".

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A statue of Castro Alves at his hometown, the homonymous city. Brazilians are citizens of Brazil. A Brazilian can also be a person born abroad to a Brazilian parent or legal guardian as well as a persons who acquired Brazilian citizenship. Henrique Maximiano Coelho Neto was a Brazilian writer and politician. He founded and occupied the second chair of the Brazilian Academy of Letters, from until his death in He was also the president of the aforementioned Academy in The front cover of Gama's O Uraguai.

A caricature of Alberto de Oliveira, by Belmiro de Almeida. He is considered the founder of Romanticism in Brazilian literature, and was a pioneer of the Brazilian theatre. He is patron of the 11th chair of the Brazilian Academy of Letters. The Kingdom of Portugal was a monarchy on the Iberian Peninsula and the predecessor of modern Portugal.

It was in existence from until Escola de Belas Artes is one of the centers of the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro and dates back to colonial times. George Sand in Afonso d'Escragnolle Taunay was a Brazilian writer, politician and noble. Painting by Henrique Manzo. She received the international Hans Christian Andersen Medal in for her "lasting contribution to children's literature".


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  4. A picture of Azevedo taken during the late s. Carlos Heitor Cony was a Brazilian journalist and writer. He was a member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters. Cony viewed himself as center-leftist and faced persecution under the military government in the s. Rachel de Queiroz was a Brazilian author, translator and journalist. Nelson Pereira dos Santos was a Brazilian film director. In fact, the expropriations of and were intended, above all: to remove the autonomous power of the large foreign company that had administered public services and whose interests diverged from those of the government; to permit the convergence of road communication toward Porto Alegre and Rio Grande; and to strengthen the executive power.

    Finally, in promoting association as a solution, Vargas demonstrated his lack of faith in the oligarchic representative model and signaled the need for an alternative channel of communication between the government and the more economically dynamic sections of society. Notes I would like to thank Timothy Donovan for his translation of my Portuguese manuscript. It has not yet been published in its entirety but is quoted in several of my articles and books that have been used for this chapter.

    Boris Fausto, vol. Bertrand, , — Vozes, Louis: Washington Univ. Joseph L.

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    Perspectiva, Loiva O. Mercado Aberto, UPF, Porto Alegre: Ed. See, for example Janotti, O coronelismo. See Joan L. Dacanal and S. Globo, Processo Crime no. Aita and Axt, eds. Processo Crime, Viriato D. Sulina, Brasiliense, , — A sweeping physical and aesthetic reform of Rio seemed within the reach of municipal authorities and their federal protectors. The global economic seizure that began the previous October had wreaked havoc on public and private finances, while an armed insurrection, emerging out of a breakdown in civilian powersharing arrangements, was bearing down on the capital.

    Agache, in the meantime, had come to treat his plan as an exercise in the theories of urbanism, rather than as an actual blueprint for specific interventions into a specific city. Inspired by a vision of moralization through urban planning, the Vargas regime treated urban reform as a tool in civic improvement. The construction and regulated occupation of civic space, in turn, afforded the residents of Rio opportunities to make, and remake, the civicscape of the Vargas era. Drawing upon extensive statistical and observational evidence, Agache made the case that Rio required strong measures to correct shortcomings in functionality, hygiene, and grandeur.

    The plan entailed the elimination of irregular and unhealthy districts and the surgical removal of foci of resistance. Many of the principles informing the Agache plan had already been part of city planning in Rio since the turn of the century. Notions of zoning, favela eradication, improved sanitation and transportation, and general urban beautification could be found in several small and grand plans for the capital, some dating back to the late colonial period.

    Even the focal point of the Agache Plan—the Porta do Brasil—had precedents in older public squares that unified significant public architecture, distinguished public monuments, and afforded easy access to economic centers. Where the Agache Plan was to make its mark was in its totalizing scope, marrying the technical requirements of citywide construction and zoning to a vision of citywide moral improvement. On the gateway, key government functions would be performed in a tightly regulated urban space built specifically for the purpose of public administration and public sociability.

    Others might head into the adjacent commercial-financial district, to grease the wheels of consumer capitalism. On special occasions, the Porta was to serve as the welcome parlor for national and international guests. The illustrations that accompanied the Agache Plan depicted the Porta as a site of large military processions and grand civic rallies.

    The young Vargas regime, attracted to the idea of modernization, had neither the political might nor the economic resources to put the Agache Plan into action in toto. Most germane to our purposes here, the marriage of monumental public architecture and a vibrant, stateregulated civic culture became an important dimension to public power for the Vargas regime. That is, the interface of architectural monumentalism and grand civic pageantry envisioned for the Porta do Brasil took root in Rio de Janeiro even though the Porta was never actually built.

    Piecemeal, the historic center of Rio de Janeiro gained monumental, functional cityscapes that functioned as grand civicscapes at regular intervals timed to the civic calendar. Vargas and Federal District mayor Henrique Dodsworth invested heavily in the rhetoric that the new avenue was the physical embodiment of the new Brazil. Public buildings, such as the presidential palace and congress buildings, were taken easily.

    Denied the pretext of an armed seizure of the capital, the newly installed Vargas regime turned to symbolic violence against the deposed republicans. On November 15, the new Provisional Government organized a military parade along the Avenida Beira-Mar to celebrate the anniversary of the republic and its new leaders. Photos of the day indicate a very significant turnout of spectators for an event mistakenly reported to be the first of its kind. Four days later, the new regime commemorated Flag Day. Campos spoke of a time when Flag Day events would incite pride in the citizenry, especially youth, and not merely serve as an empty backdrop to long-winded speeches and uninspired parades.

    The Provisional Government took a systematic approach to the temporal underpinnings of the public sphere on December 5, , when Vargas signed off on Decree Gone were the dates commemorating the constitution of , the precursors to Brazilian Independence, May Day, the discovery of Brazil, national fraternity, independence and republicanism in the Americas, and the discovery of the Americas.

    The official civic calendar remained republican, but it lost much of the historical specificity of the early years of the Republic, when embattled republican factions tried to shore up their tenuous hold on political legitimacy by marginalizing monarchists, jacobins, and labor radicals from civic time and memory.

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    Of course, intervention into the civic calendar had deep historical precedents. Table 3. In , for example, Independence Day September 7 ceremonies included a military parade at the Quinta da Boa Vista, a presidential tour of naval installations, and a naval parade on the Enseada de Botafogo.